Time and Compromise in UNCITRAL’s Working Group III
During the week of 22 September 2025, States once again met in Vienna under Working Group III (WGIII)...
This blog was originally published on UNCTAD’s Investment Policy Hub here.
Investment in infrastructure, as a general matter, is a necessary prerequisite to sustainable development. The breadth and depth of a country’s transportation, electricity and telecommunication networks along with its water and sanitation, health care, and education facilities are the backbone of economic productivity and competitiveness, and, when done well, also support a healthy human and natural environment. While governments were traditionally viewed as playing a legitimate and indispensable role in leading the provision of public infrastructure and services, recent years have seen a distinct and increasing turn toward public private partnerships (PPPs) as a way of structuring public infrastructure investments.[1] Notably, this shift has been accompanied by a monumental and fundamental shift in the international development policies of individual governments as well as international institutions;[2] development resources are now often used to catalyze private investment and enlist the private sector in solving development challenges.[3] In the context of infrastructure, this means that host governments (often with the support of international development institutions) are more frequently partnering with private companies to develop and provide what is typically thought of as distinctly public works and services.
Whether and under what circumstances a PPP may be the optimal solution to advance infrastructure investment, development and/or management remains unclear with benefits largely undemonstrated and costs well-documented.[4] It is also now apparent that many countries do not have the capacity to properly implement PPPs,[5] and that not all proposed PPPs are rigorously evaluated or the appropriate structure. Furthermore, the financialization of infrastructure investments as an asset class, involving hedge funds and institutional investors, further complications the relationship between the state, other stakeholders, and PPP investor(s) and the ability of the state to participate in and/or effectively regulate infrastructure investments.[6]
For many decision-makers a big draw of PPPs is that they can enable governments to shift costs and liabilities off their balance sheets in the near term. But PPPs may impose longer-term risks and contingent liabilities that are not adequately measured, tracked, or accounted for, and which can have significant implications for governments and their constituents. Additionally, while there are diverse stakeholders whose basic needs and fundamental rights can be directly and severely impacted by the performance, cost, availability, and governance of infrastructure and related services, private ownership and operation of such services can impact, often negatively, those stakeholders’ abilities to hold infrastructure owners and operators accountable for providing quality, accessible, and affordable services.[7] Whereas the first questions that decision-makers should focus on are whether and under what circumstances a PPP should be considered,[8] it is too commonly assumed that public infrastructure will be more efficiently provided by the private sector, with the key question instead becoming how to structure the deal.
Investment treaties and PPPs
When foreign investors are involved in an infrastructure-related PPP, either directly as the PPP contract counterparty and/or as direct or indirect shareholders in those entities, international law can have important implications for how those PPPs are governed, or, more specifically, the extent to which the host government can act to ensure that the PPP is meeting public needs and priorities.
In particular, international investment treaties (commonly referred to as “bilateral investment treaties” (BITs) or “international investment agreements” (IIAs)) impose rules on governments regarding how those governments treat foreign shareholders and foreign-owned investments. Additionally, these international investment treaties also commonly include provisions allowing foreign investors in contracting parties to the PPP to sue their host governments through arbitration (commonly referred to as investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS)).[9] That arbitration may be conducted with little, if any, transparency, and can take place in another country, and/or another language, limiting the public’s ability to understand, much less participate in, the proceedings.
One common narrative characterizing these kinds of cross-border infrastructure investments (particularly into low and middle-income countries) points to the phenomenon of the “obsolescing bargain,” in which an investor, once it has significant fixed assets in a country, is at the whim of host government power and discretion. As such, it is often asserted that in order to ensure a level playing field between the foreign investor and its host government, the foreign investor could and should usefully seek international legal protection by structuring its investment so as to take advantage of a favorable investment treaty (or insert contractual clauses much to the same effect) that will protect the investor and the investment in the face of any adverse government action. As noted above, these treaties almost universally include investor-friendly substantive provisions and provide for dispute resolution through ISDS, which will allow the foreign investor to enforce treaty-based standards by directly suing the host government in international arbitration, rather than proceeding through the domestic courts (applying domestic law) of the host country.[10] This added layer of investor protections enforceable through ISDS profoundly complicates already problematic PPPs in infrastructure.[11]
Importantly, some evidence indicates that, rather than exploiting evolving power dynamics, government parties to infrastructure PPPs may more commonly be the victims of power shifts, often having to respond to investors’ attempts to change the terms of the deal after that deal had been agreed.[12] In one study of roughly 1000 concession contracts awarded in Latin America and the Caribbean between the mid-1980s and 2000, for instance, researchers found renegotiations occurred in 55% of transportation concessions, and 74% of water and sanitation contracts.[13] Strikingly, 57% of the transportation concession renegotiations were initiated by the investor alone (27% by the government alone and 16% by both the government and the operator); even more jarring, 66% of the water and sanitation contract renegotiations were initiated by the operator (24% by the government and 10% by both the government and the operator). It thus appears that, in many cases, private firms secure contracts based on their commitments to provide a certain level of service to a certain number of users at a certain price, only to subsequently pursue renegotiation in order to reduce their obligations or increase the price charged to users.[14] Thus, the obsolescing bargain-based case for special investment treaty and ISDS protection for investors may be weaker than typically thought.
Moreover, and more problematically, it appears that investors are using investment treaties in ways that can significantly frustrate government efforts to effectively and adequately regulate PPPs in the public interest,[15] and in ways that may be required by international human rights law.[16] Foreign-owned parties to PPP contracts or their shareholders can, for example, sue governments for
It is often recognized that private partners in PPPs do not necessarily have the same priorities or interests as their government partners or infrastructure users and that, indeed, the private and public objectives might conflict.[24] It is therefore also recognized that, in order for PPPs to function notwithstanding those actual or potential conflicts, the government must play a central and effective regulatory role. This is particularly the case with respect to the long-term and public nature of infrastructure investment and service delivery.[25] Investment treaties and ISDS, however, threaten to place undue limits on the government’s ability to perform its regulatory functions; and those limits, in turn, weaken the underlying premise that governments can effectively resolve the problematic conflicts otherwise present in PPPs. Furthermore, poorly negotiated PPP agreements, when coupled with the strong procedural and substantive rights afforded to foreign investors pursuant to contractual terms, domestic law, and an international investment agreement, result in outcomes in which the benefits, protections and powers related to the investment potentially flow disproportionately toward the private party while users, surrounding communities, the environment, and taxpayers bear the vast majority of the risks and losses.
In the context of investment in public infrastructure in which long-term contracts are often the norm and effective regulation is essential, careful consideration must be given to the appropriateness of a PPP, as opposed to more traditional forms of government finance or development assistance, to further infrastructure investment, and the rights of all stakeholders must be considered. When a foreign investor benefits from ISDS and treaty protections, the negative consequences may be felt for decades, while the promised benefits of the relevant PPP may fail to materialize.
Mining, Metals and Resource-based Development / Discussion paper